Nemzetgazdasági Minisztérium

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This is the single largest line in the chapter and the one where the discretionary-allocation question is sharpest. The Széchenyi Kártya Program is a state interest-rate subsidy scheme: KAVOSZ Zrt. operates it, commercial banks lend through it, and the central budget pays the difference between the market interest rate and a fixed, politically set rate offered to small and medium enterprises — currently a uniform 3% net annual rate.[^4] The 2026 interest-subsidy envelope was raised from the prior year's level, and the scheme's appeal to borrowers is, by the operator's own account, driven primarily by that favourable subsidised rate.[^4] Follow the mechanism. The state borrows — or forgoes other spending — to pay down the interest cost on private commercial credit. The visible beneficiary is the SME that takes a loan at 3% rather than the market rate. The cost-bearer is the general taxpayer who funds the subsidy, and a second cost-bearer is structurally hidden: the credit market itself. An administratively fixed 3% rate is a price control on the cost of capital. It does not reveal which borrowers and which projects can bear the true cost of credit; it conceals that information. Capital flows toward the firms and projects that clear at the subsidised rate rather than toward the firms and projects that would clear at a price reflecting genuine scarcity and genuine risk. The producer cannot signal the real cost of lending to a given borrower, and the borrower cannot signal that a project is worth undertaking at the unsubsidised rate. The result is capital misallocated toward the margin the subsidy serves — and an SME sector that becomes structurally dependent on the continuation of the subsidy, because firms that built their plans around 3% credit cannot easily absorb its withdrawal. The operator's own framing — that the scheme runs at the scale it does because of the subsidised rate — is the admission that the demand is for the subsidy, not for credit the market would otherwise price and supply. There is a public-choice layer as well. A subsidy administered through a designated operator, drawn down through a national office network, with the rate set by political decision, concentrates a visible benefit on an organised and identifiable constituency — borrowing SMEs and the operator — while spreading the cost diffusely across every taxpayer. That structure produces a standing lobby for the line's preservation independent of whether subsidised credit is the most productive use of the money. None of this means small-firm access to capital does not matter. It means the state interest-rate subsidy is the wrong instrument. The classical-liberal alternative is a deeper, less distorted capital market: the binding constraint on Hungarian SME investment is the cost and availability of capital generally, and that is a function of the savings rate, the security of property, and the absence of inflation and rate volatility — not of a state subsidy that papers over a high underlying rate. The reform direction is to address the underlying cost of capital, not to subsidise it selectively.

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Tax assessment and collection is the revenue side of every function the state legitimately performs. A state that secures rights, enforces contracts, and finances courts and defence must be able to collect the taxes that pay for them; an unfunded rights-protection function is not a function. NAV is the institution that does this, and customs enforcement at the external border is a rule-of-law function in its own right. The classical-liberal objection is not to the collector but to the complexity and the rates of what is collected — and that objection belongs to the revenue chapters (XLII and the tax-policy lines), not here.

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The arithmetic here demands attention. Of the 215.9 milliárd Ft envelope, personnel and employer contributions are only 17.2 milliárd Ft; the operating line (dologi kiadások) is 194.4 milliárd Ft — over 90% of the total. KEF performs two functions: it runs the centralised public-procurement system as the state's central purchasing body, concluding framework agreements that other government bodies draw down against; and it provides building operation, maintenance, vehicle fleet, and logistics services for ministries — managing a large portfolio of centrally held government buildings. The 194.4 milliárd Ft operating line is overwhelmingly the cost of buying those facility-management services and goods on behalf of other bodies. KEF is the kind of body the framework treats with particular care: a central purchasing authority is not a solution to a problem; it is evidence of the scale of the underlying problem. The state buys so much, across so many bodies, that it has created a directorate to aggregate the purchasing. The centralisation argument — small bodies get the framework-contract price — is real, but it is the second-best fix for a first-best failure. Each ministry running its own facilities, on its own budget, faces the price it pays directly; an aggregating intermediary mutes that signal. The cleaner arrangement is for each government body to procure its own facility-management services from the competitive market under ordinary procurement rules, with the property portfolio devolved to the using bodies or to a slim asset-management function. The facility-management market in Hungary is genuinely competitive; there is no network-economic element here that requires a single state buyer. This is the pattern where an administrative body is mistaken for the cure when it is part of the construction. The honest classification is phase-out parallel to the underlying activity: as ministries take their own facilities budgets and procure directly, KEF's aggregating role dissolves.

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At 107 milliárd Ft this is the second-largest line in the chapter and the largest of the discretionary-allocation programmes. Tourism development funded as a state programme directs capital toward tourism infrastructure, attractions, and destination projects chosen administratively. Tourism is a competitive consumer-services industry: hotels, attractions, restaurants, and tour operators compete for visitors and earn their return — or fail to — on the market. The state cannot determine, in the absence of price signals, which tourism projects warrant investment; developers, hoteliers, and investors who bear the gain and the loss can. When the state directs 107 milliárd Ft into tourism projects of its own selection, it bids capital, construction capacity, and labour away from whatever else those resources would have built — the houses not built, the manufacturing capacity not expanded — and the unseen cost is the foregone alternative use. Where a tourism project is genuinely viable, private capital will fund it; where it is not, the subsidy is the only thing keeping it standing. The line is classified phase-out rather than immediate cut because the capital component — 52 milliárd Ft of investment, with a matching 52 milliárd Ft of associated revenue — is plainly tied to multi-year development projects already under construction or contracted. Abrupt cancellation would strand half-built projects and breach commitments to contractors. The four-year horizon allows in-flight projects to complete.

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The Treasury operates the central account through which state payments and receipts flow, administers public-sector payroll and pension disbursement, and runs the family-support and other benefit payment channels. This is the cash-management infrastructure of the state — the function that gives effect to whatever the legislature has decided to spend. It is a Keep on the same logic as NAV: the disbursement apparatus is legitimate even where individual transfers it disburses are not. If the reform package elsewhere in the budget reduces the number of discretionary transfer programmes the Treasury administers, the Treasury's own workload falls; the line then becomes a candidate for operating-cost review, not a phase-out.

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The agricultural variant of the Széchenyi Kártya interest-subsidy mechanism, directed at farm and agribusiness borrowers. The analysis of the main Széchenyi Kártya line applies in full: it is an administratively set price on the cost of agricultural credit, with the same capital-misallocation and same dependence dynamics. There is no feature of agriculture that converts a credit subsidy from a price control into a legitimate state function. Phase out on the same five-year loan-book run-off schedule as the main scheme.

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The core ministry apparatus that drafts tax law, prepares the budget, and administers fiscal policy is part of the constitutional machinery of government — the executive function the legislature funds to give effect to its decisions. The classical-liberal frame does not contest a finance ministry; it contests what the ministry then does with discretionary spending lines, which are examined separately below. Keep here is not an endorsement of the chapter-managed programmes the ministry administers; it is recognition that a state which collects taxes and enforces contracts needs a department to run the fiscal function.

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An operating contribution to the Művészetek Palotája (Müpa), the Budapest concert and arts venue. The Müpa generates roughly half of its total revenue from its own sources — ticket sales and corporate partnerships — with the remainder coming from the state.[^5] That fact is the case for the classification: a venue that already earns half its income from voluntary payment by the people who actually value its programming has a demonstrated path to earning more of it. Concert-hall programming is a contestable cultural-services activity; it is not a rights-protection function, not a constitutional precondition, and not a response to irreversible involuntary harm. The 16.4 milliárd Ft state operating contribution funds, in part, the gap between what the venue's audience chooses to pay and what the venue chooses to spend — a gap the state fills by drawing on the general taxpayer, including taxpayers who never attend. The within-class point is worth stating plainly. The audience for a flagship concert hall skews toward higher-income, higher-education households; the SZJA and SzocHo that fund the operating subsidy are paid broadly across the wage distribution. A worker at the median wage who never sets foot in the venue contributes, through general tax, to subsidised tickets enjoyed disproportionately by households several deciles above them. This is not an argument against the arts; it is an argument that the people who value the programming should fund more of it directly — through ticket prices, memberships, and the philanthropic and corporate support that cultural institutions across Europe rely on.

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This line is worth reading slowly, because it reveals a mechanism the rest of the budget keeps implicit. The state mandates a minimum-wage increase. That increase raises employers' total labour cost — not only the gross wage, but the employer-side social contribution (SzocHo) levied on top of it. The state then partially compensates employers for the contribution cost its own mandate created. The budget is, in effect, paying one part of the state to soften the cost another part of the state imposed. If a payroll levy on a mandated wage increase is burdensome enough that the state must rebate it, the levy itself is the burden — and the rebate is an admission of that, applied selectively and temporarily rather than addressed at the source. The honest correction is not a 12 milliárd Ft compensation line; it is a lower SzocHo rate, applied generally, visible to every employer and every worker. The employer-side contribution is a tax on labour that falls, in incidence, on the worker: it is part of the wedge between what an employer pays to employ someone and what that worker takes home, and over time it is wages that absorb it. A worker at the median monthly gross wage already loses roughly 37 Ft of every 100 Ft of total employer labour cost to the payroll wedge before any take-home pay is spent. A targeted, temporary rebate of one slice of that wedge for one cohort of employers does not change the structure; it adds an administrative layer on top of it.

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Membership dues to the international organisations Hungary belongs to in the economic-policy domain — bodies whose membership flows from treaty and international-agreement commitments. While a member, the state is bound to pay the assessed dues; this is a treaty-compliance obligation of the kind the rule-of-law principle itself recognises. Classified Keep on that basis. A separate, legitimate policy question — whether Hungary should remain a member of any particular organisation — is a matter for the relevant treaty review, not a budget-line phase-out; while membership stands, the dues are owed.

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A capital line funding a state investment in the Budai Egészségközpont Zrt. A state equity investment in a discrete healthcare facility is a discretionary capital allocation: the state is directing capital into a specific asset of its own selection. The classification is phase-out rather than immediate cut only because a capital investment in a facility under construction or commitment cannot be halted cleanly without stranding the works and breaching contractor commitments. The two-year horizon allows the committed phase of the investment to complete; no further state capital is committed beyond it. The standing recommendation is that healthcare facility provision be financed and operated through the arrangements examined in the health chapters, not through ad hoc capital injections routed through the economy ministry's chapter.

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This line compensates Magyar Posta, as the designated universal postal service provider, for the "unfair excess burden" of the universal-service obligation — the net cost of being required to deliver to every address in the country, including unprofitable rural routes. Under the postal-services framework, where the net cost of the universal service exceeds 1% of the provider's universal-service-related costs, that excess is the "unfair excess burden", and the central budget may compensate it up to an annual ceiling of 15 million euro.[^6] The mechanism deserves a careful reading rather than reflexive classification. A genuine, narrowly drawn obligation to maintain basic postal access to remote addresses, compensated at audited net cost, is not the same kind of line as a discretionary business-development pot — there is a real service obligation imposed by statute and a real, measurable excess cost. But the obligation itself is a policy choice, not a fixed fact: postal services are a competitive industry, the universal-service scope is set by statute and is amendable, and the trend across the activity is structural decline in letter volumes as communication moves to digital channels. The honest classification is a phase-out tied to a statutory review that narrows the universal-service obligation to a genuinely minimal access guarantee and reconsiders whether the residual cost is better addressed by allowing the provider to price and structure the service competitively. A five-year horizon allows the statutory review and the contractual universal-service agreement to be revisited at their next cycle rather than abrogated mid-term. Where a genuinely minimal access obligation survives the review, a small residual compensation may be defensible — but at audited net cost of a narrowly defined obligation, not the current envelope.

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A discretionary chapter-managed business-development line with no defined statutory mandate, no contractual counterparties whose reliance must be honoured, and no dependency chain tying citizens' life plans to it at scale. "Business development" administered as a discretionary budget allocation by political officeholders is precisely the subjective allocation the framework identifies: the ministry decides which firms, sectors, or projects receive support, in the absence of any market price signal that would reveal where the money is best deployed. The reform direction for business development is a lower and simpler tax burden and secure property rights, applied to every firm equally — not a discretionary pot allocated case by case.

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A subsidy of the guarantee fees charged on state-backed SME credit guarantees — the same family of intervention as the Széchenyi Kártya schemes, one layer further in. The state guarantees the loan, a guarantee fee is charged for that guarantee, and this line then subsidises the fee. It is a subsidy of a subsidy. The honest classification is phase-out on the same loan-book run-off logic as the schemes whose guarantees it supports: existing guarantees run their term, no new fee subsidies are written.

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Consumer-protection enforcement sits in a genuine middle. Part of what a trade-and-consumer authority does is rule-of-law work — policing fraud, false labelling, and the safety of goods is enforcement of the implied terms of voluntary exchange, and that has a defensible claim on tax financing. Part of it is paternalistic market supervision that substitutes administrative judgement for the discipline of competition, reputation, and the ordinary civil law of contract and tort. The line is not large — 3.81 milliárd Ft — and the administrative cost of disentangling the legitimate enforcement core from the supervisory accretion would be a multi-year statutory exercise out of proportion to the sum. A nominal freeze holds the allocation flat; at 2-3% inflation it erodes the line's real value by roughly 20-25% over a decade, forcing the authority to concentrate on its fraud-and-safety enforcement core as the budget tightens in real terms. The 530.0 millió Ft investment line should be scrutinised against that priority.

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A discretionary subsidy directed at firms in the fashion and creative industries. There is no economic feature of fashion or the creative industries that distinguishes them from any other sector competing for capital and customers on the open market — and so no basis for the state to single them out for support. This is a sector-specific discretionary allocation: the visible beneficiary is the set of fashion and creative firms that receive grants; the cost-bearer is every taxpayer, including the wage-earner whose own SZJA and SzocHo fund a transfer to an industry the state has decided to favour. The reform direction is a level competitive field — the same tax treatment, the same property protection, the same contract enforcement — for fashion firms and engineering firms alike.

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An undifferentiated residual chapter-managed line for "other sectoral tasks" — a discretionary allocation with no defined mandate, no named programme, and no protected counterparties. A budget line whose name is "other" and whose content is at the ministry's discretion is the signature form of subjective allocation by political officeholders. Eliminate; where a genuine statutory function hides inside it, that function can be identified, named, and funded explicitly through its own line.

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Classified on the same basis as Egyéb vállalkozásfejlesztési feladatok above: a discretionary ministerial allocation with no market-price signal, no statutory mandate, and no protected counterparties. Immediate cut.

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The NAH is the body that accredits laboratories, certification bodies, and inspection bodies — confirming that a calibration laboratory or a product-testing house meets the relevant ISO/IEC standards.[^2] Accreditation under the EU regulatory framework is, by design, a single national function: Regulation (EC) 765/2008 requires each member state to operate one national accreditation body and prohibits competition between accreditation bodies, precisely so that an accreditation certificate carries the same meaning across the single market.[^3] This is one of the rare cases where the single-body structure is not a state-constructed monopoly that the framework would dissolve but a recognised-standard function whose value depends on its being singular. The body also largely cost-recovers: the NAH charges administrative-service fees for accreditation, scope extension, and supervisory procedures, including a 100,000 Ft annual registration fee per accredited status.[^2] The line is modest — 1.08 milliárd Ft — and the function is a recognised precondition of participation in the EU conformity-assessment system. Keep, with the standing recommendation that the fee schedule be set to recover the full cost so the call on general tax falls toward zero.

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The NKOI was established in 2020 to operate a unified procedural and supervisory system for the state's concession activities — it runs tender procedures and concludes concession contracts for motorways, casinos, and waste management when the government designates it to do so.[^1] The body is the clearest example in the chapter of a regulator whose existence is evidence of an underlying problem rather than a solution to it. A concession is a state-granted exclusive right — to operate gaming, to collect motorway tolls, to handle waste in a designated area. The concession office exists because the state has chosen to convert a set of activities into state-licensed monopolies and then needs an apparatus to allocate the licences. The classical-liberal reading runs through the activities, not the office. Gaming does not require a concession regime; it requires ordinary licensing and the criminal law. Motorway operation is a genuine infrastructure question, but the concession is a contracting choice, not a necessity, and it can be handled by the relevant transport authority within ordinary public-procurement rules. Waste management is a competitive service in most of Europe; the concession regime constructs the local monopoly that the office then administers. Where the state stops constructing concession monopolies, the office that allocates them has nothing to allocate. The honest classification is phase-out parallel to the deregulation of the underlying concession regimes — the office winds down as the activities it licenses are returned to ordinary licensing or competitive procurement.

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A technical accounting line for the settlement and reconciliation of supports disbursed in earlier years — the matching 857.8 millió Ft revenue figure confirms it is a pass-through reconciliation, not a fresh programme allocation. Closing out previously disbursed support contractually requires reconciliation; this is the administrative tail of past commitments, not new spending. Classified Keep as a technical necessity; it falls away naturally as the earlier supports it reconciles are fully settled.

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A line funding "social-dialogue" activities — the state-financed apparatus of consultation forums between government, employer associations, and trade unions. Employer associations and trade unions are voluntary membership organisations; their members can and do fund their own representation, and the forums in which they engage government do not require a state budget line to exist. State financing of the dialogue process is a transfer to organised interest groups, funded diffusely from general tax. The line is small and has no protected contractual counterparties — an immediate cut on principle.

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Classified on the same basis as Egyéb vállalkozásfejlesztési feladatok above: a discretionary ministerial allocation with no market-price signal, no statutory mandate, and no protected counterparties. Immediate cut.

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A small line funding subsidised lending programmes channelled through the Magyar Fejlesztési Bank (Hungarian Development Bank). State development-bank lending substitutes administrative project selection for the market's pricing of risk and return, directing capital toward projects chosen by the bank rather than projects that clear a market test. The line is small, so the phase-out is correspondingly short — three years to allow in-flight programme commitments to conclude — but the classification follows the mechanism, not the size.

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A small chapter-managed line funding consumer-protection programme activity adjacent to the NKFH's institutional budget. Classified consistently with the authority itself: the legitimate fraud-and-safety enforcement core is retained, the line is held nominal, and real erosion concentrates spending on the enforcement function over the decade. The sum is too small for an elimination exercise to be worth the administrative cost.

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A small general contingency reserve within the chapter. A modest, bounded reserve against in-year contingencies is ordinary prudent budget management for a chapter of this size, and at 300 millió Ft it is proportionate. Classified Keep. The reserve's appropriate size will fall as the chapter's discretionary programme portfolio shrinks under the recommendations above — a smaller chapter needs a smaller contingency — but that is a future calibration, not a phase-out.

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A small capital line for space-industry and space-technology development. State-directed industrial development of a chosen frontier sector cannot be guided by any market price signal for which space-technology activities warrant capital; the direction of travel in the global space sector has been toward private-risk capital rather than state-directed subsidy. The line is very small and has no protected counterparties — an immediate cut on principle.